By Abigail Firey
Among the 3rd and 16th centuries, penance (the acts or gestures played to compensate for transgression, frequently with an curiosity within the salvation of the penitent's soul) used to be a very important mode of participation in either society and the cosmos. Penance used to be included into political and felony negotiations, it erupted in improvisational social dramas, it was once topic to experimentation and innovation, and it saturated western tradition with pictures of contrition, discomfort, and reconciliation. throughout the overdue old, medieval, and early smooth sessions, rituals for the correction of human error grew to become either subtle and popular.Creativity in penitential expression displays the diversity and complexity of social and religious events within which penance was once very important. utilizing hitherto unconsidered resource fabrics, the individuals chart new perspectives on how in western tradition, human behavior was once modulated and directed in styles formed via the fearsome but embraced practices of penance. members are R. Emmet McLaughlin, Rob Meens, Kevin Uhalde, Claudia Rapp, Dominique Iogna-Prat, Abigail Firey, Karen Wagner, Joseph Goering, H. Ansgar Kelly, Torstein Jorgensen, Wietse de Boer, Ronald okay. Rittgers, Gretchen Starr-LeBeau, and Jodi Bilinkoff.
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Additional resources for A New History of Penance (Brill's Companions to the Christian Tradition)
Ad nostra usque tempora continuat, 3 vols (Rome, 1856), 1:202–03, 318. Casaubon, De rebis sacris, p. C3av. The Jesuits played little role, perhaps because their “Ratio Studiorum” was rhetorical and theological, as was appropriate for their pastoral and apologetic mission. History played little or no role; see Uwe Neddermeyer, “Das katholische Geschichtlehrbuch des 17. Jahrhunderts: Orazio Torsellinis ‘Epitome Historiarum’,” Historisches Jahrbuch 108 (1988), 480–81. 29 The Baronius continuator, Odorico Rinaldi (1595–1671), was the first to mark the shift.
Count C. P. de Lasteyrie, The History of Auricular Confession, trans. Charles Cocks, 2 vols (London, 1848) placed special reliance on chronicles [hereafter cited as de Lasteyrie]. 73 Boyd, p. ” 74 De Lasteyrie, 1:149, argued that the popes licensed the mendicants to hear confessions in order to build papal power. Then, the religious orders forwarded reports to their superiors in Rome (p. 205). 80 Protestant reformers had emphasized the confessional as a burden on the oppressed conscience. 82 Nor did they think it likely in any event, given their belief that religious faith 75 De Lasteyrie, 1:159; see 2:186, on the role of Louis XVI’s confessor in opposing revolution.
113 Their confessional agenda did not, however, undermine Paulus, “Dominicus de Soto und die Beichte in Nürnberg,” Der Katholik 79 (1899), 282–88. It was seen as a way to combat the vice that had followed the abolition of Catholic penance. 110 Karl Bachmann, Geschichte der Kirchenzucht in Kurhessen von der Reformation bis zum Ausgange des XVIII Jahrhunderts (Marburg, 1910); Georg Neunobel, Aus der Geschichte der Privatbeichte in der evangelisch-lutherischen Landeskirche Hessen Darmstadts (diss.
A New History of Penance (Brill's Companions to the Christian Tradition) by Abigail Firey